The average aggressor vs. minors was slightly over twenty-three at the time of the offense, a full year and one half younger than his
counterpart, the offender vs. minors, a year younger than the average aggressor vs. adults, and eight years younger than the aggressor vs. children. The aggressors vs. minors are the youngest of the comparative groups of sex offenders, not only in terms of age at offense, but of age at interview. Why this should be is not altogether clear. However, among the heterosexual offenders and aggressors (excluding the incest offenders, naturally) one uniformly finds the oldest are those whose sexual objects were children, next oldest those whose objects were adults, and youngest those whose objects were minors. More of an explanation lies in the general criminality of the aggressors vs. minors. Nearly a third had at one time or another gained a substantial portion of their livelihood from some sort of illegal activity; no other groups come close to matching this figure except the prison group (26 per cent) and the aggressors vs. children (24 per cent). One may describe the aggressors vs. minors as young males headed for trouble at an early age, and victimizing young girls can be regarded as a natural offense for antisocial, aggressive young men.
About one quarter of the aggressors vs. minors were married at the time of offense, nearly one fifth had previously been married, and slightly more than half had never married.
As one would anticipate in a young group, a large percentage (62 per cent) of the offenses represented the individual’s first sex offense. For a substantial number (nearly one third) this conviction was their second sex offense.
Neuroses and psychoses were insignificant in this group; only two individuals had experienced serious mental difficulty.
Alcohol, which plays such a role among other aggressors, was not particularly important: only one quarter were drunk at the time of the offense, half that number were mildly to moderately intoxicated, and 62 per cent were cold sober. No drugs were involved in any of the cases.
In 18 per cent of the offenses there were two or more males involved; no other group equals this figure, which is probably the result of the common tendency of young males to foray in pairs or groups. Among the offenders vs. minors or adults such gregariousness does not often result in group sexual activity since girls ordinarily wish to avoid it, and the offenders, by definition, cannot override the girl’s wishes with force or duress.
The concept of the aggressors vs. minors as irresponsible, aggressive, and somewhat antisocial young men with an eye open for a free drink, an easy dollar, or an available girl, is reinforced by the fact that between one fifth and one quarter of their offenses vs. minors were opportunistic rather than premeditated. This is by far the largest proportion of opportunistic offenses recorded. Aside from a very few non compos mentis cases, all the other offenses were premeditated.
In keeping with the elements of aggression and opportunism, the locale of the offense was chiefly outdoors (43 per cent). Residences rank second (29 per cent), and automobiles third (21 per cent). The importance of the outdoors and automobiles, shared also by the aggressors vs. adults, reflects the need to be away from other persons who might report on or interfere with their activity.
The age distribution of the victims is most interesting. Among the offenders vs. minors we saw a clear preference for older females; only 15 per cent of the girls were twelve, and the percentages increased with increased age, 40 per cent of the girls being fifteen. Among the aggressors, however, the most popular age was fourteen (36 per cent) with ages thirteen and fifteen being second (each with 25 per cent). One will recall that the aggressors vs. minors surpassed all other groups in the number who expressed a preference for girls aged sixteen to seventeen, and ranked first among those who preferred girls twelve to fifteen; acceptability always covers a wider range than preference. Also worth recollection is the fact that an unusually large percentage of the aggressors vs. minors had their first coitus with girls from twelve to thirteen. In summary, there is good reason to believe that a substantial number of the aggressors vs. minors chose their victims because of, not despite, their age.
As is usual among aggressors, the girls were preponderantly strangers (63 per cent). Acquaintances account for 22 per cent, friends for 11, and relatives for 4. Anthropologists and sociologists could scarcely ask for a better example of how violence increases with social distance.
The sexual activity constituting the basis of the offense was chiefly coitus (48 per cent) and attempted coitus (17 per cent). Petting involving touching the genitalia and petting not involving genitalia each accounted for another 10 per cent. Mouth-genital contact was the basic behavior in an additional 7 per cent. This leaves a residuum (7 per cent) of what can best be described as “general attack”—a sexually motivated assault with the intent to do physical damage.
Turning now to the behavior of the girls, we find that both the aggressors’ reports and the official records agree that in 72 per cent of the cases the girl consistently resisted. In the remaining cases the aggressors claimed the girls were either passive or encouraged the relationship, but the official records indicate resistance at least in the latter stages of the activity.
The majority of the aggressors sought cooperation from the girls—in 62 per cent of the cases they embarked upon the conventional preliminaries to seduction and resorted to force only when these efforts proved either ineffective or too time-consuming. Three fifths employed mild to moderate force. One quarter used much force; such exertion is usually unnecessary with children and young girls, but we shall subsequently see the percentage rise to 41 when adult women are the victims. Our data concerning threats are inadequate, but there is a strong suggestion that threats play a substantial part in intimidating the girls.
In about 70 per cent of the offenses the apprehension of the male depended primarily on the girl, but in nearly two fifths of the cases (a high proportion) there were other elements in the situation that made arrest probable. In the great majority of cases the girl did not directly complain to the law-enforcement authorities; the complaint was made by her relatives or friends (71 per cent).
Only half of the men fully admitted their behavior, a rather small proportion. These aggressors vs. minors were especially prone to give qualified admissions of guilt—admitting to the sexual activity, but denying the force or duress. Some 36 per cent gave; qualified admissions, by far the largest proportion recorded for any group.
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